The social distress of the proletariat must be eliminated. The workers must be raised above their present cultural level, which is deplorable and transformed into a resolute and valuable factor in the folk-community, inspired by national ideas and national sentiment.
If, among those intellectual circles that are nationalist in their outlook, men can be found who genuinely love their people and look forward eagerly to the future of Germany, and at the same time have a sound grasp of the importance of a struggle, whose aim is to win over the soul of the masses, such men will be cordially welcome in the ranks of the movement.
[Actually, it happened all the time – both before and after Nazis came to power. The number of high-ranking Nazis with doctorate degrees was simply amazing]
It is not part of our program to transform the nationalist camp itself, but, rather to win over those who are anti-national in their outlook. It is this point of view which must finally determine the tactics of the whole movement.
The thing that matters here is not the vision of the man of genius who created the great ideal, but rather what his apostles tell the broad masses, how they do this and with what degree of success. [Absolutely true]
Social Democracy and the whole Marxist movement were particularly qualified to attract the great masses of the nation, because of the uniformity of the public to which they addressed their appeal.
The more limited and narrow their ideas and arguments, the easier it was for the masses to grasp and assimilate them, for those ideas and arguments were well adapted to a low level of intelligence.
These considerations led the new movement to adopt the following clear and simple line of policy. In its message as well as in its forms of expression the propaganda had to be kept on a level with the intelligence of the masses, and its value had to be measured only by the actual success it achieved.
[Makes complete sense. If something is working – copycat it]
Propaganda is not meant to serve as an entertainment for those people who already have a nationalist outlook; its purpose is to win the adhesion of those who have hitherto been hostile to the nation, but who are, nevertheless, of our own blood and race.
Objectives of any political reform movement can never be reached by trying to educate the public or influence those in power, but only by getting political power into its hands.
By the word ‘success’ in this connection I do not mean such a success as the mere acquisition of power in 1918, but the beneficial results of such an acquisition of power.
The nature and internal organization of the new movement make it fundamentally anti-parliamentarian. That is to say, it rejects in general, and in its own structure, the principle according to which decisions are to be taken on the vote of the majority and according to which the leader is only the executor of the will and opinion of others.
The movement lays down the principle that, in the smallest, as well as in the greatest, problems, one person must have absolute authority and bear all responsibility.
In the movement the practical consequences of this principle are as follows: The president of a local group is appointed by the head of the group immediately above his in authority. The former then becomes the responsible leader of his group.
All the committees are subject to his authority and not he to theirs. There is no such thing as committees that vote, but only committees that work. This work is allotted by the leader of the group.
In each case the president is appointed from above and is invested with full authority and executive power. Only the leader of the whole party is elected, at the general meeting of the members, but he is the sole leader of the movement.
All the committees are responsible to him, but he is not responsible to the committees. His decision is final, but he bears the whole responsibility for it.
The members of the movement are entitled to call him to account by means of a new election, or to remove him from office, if he has violated the principles of the movement or has not served its interests adequately. He is then replaced by a more capable man, who is invested with the same authority and obliged to bear the same responsibility.
[With all his entrepreneurial brilliance (and he was, indeed, a brilliant political entrepreneur), Adolf Hitler failed to grasp the vital importance of proper risk management system.
In other words, of the absolutely vital necessity of a mechanism (process, procedure) that would not allow the Leader to commit a fatal strategic blunder. It was exactly the absence of such mechanism that eventually led to the defeat in World War II, demise of the Third Reich and Hitler’s suicide].
One of the highest duties of the movement is to make this principle valid not only within its own ranks, but also for the whole State. The man who becomes leader is invested with supreme and unlimited authority, but he also has to bear the final and heaviest responsibility.
[This is a rather detailed description of Führerprinzip. First, Adolf Hitler built the NSDAP according to this principle and when it was proven beyond the reasonable doubt that it works – and works very well – it was then used to build the Führerstaat. The Third Reich]
Human progress and human culture are not founded by the multitude. They are exclusively the work of personal genius and personal efficiency [very true]. To cultivate these and give them their due, is one of the conditions necessary for the regaining of the prestige and power of our nation.
Because of this principle, the movement must necessarily be anti-parliamentarian: and if it takes part in a parliamentary institution it must be only for the purpose of destroying this institution from within; in other words, we wish to do away with an institution which we must look upon as one of the gravest symptoms of human decline.
[And that’s precisely what Nazi did when the Enabling Act of 1933 gave them the necessary power]
The movement does not aim at bringing about a religious reformation, but only a political re-organization of our people. It looks upon the two religious denominations [Catholics and Lutherans] as equally valuable mainstays for the existence of our people, and therefore it makes war on all those parties which would degrade the foundation on which the religious and moral stability of our people is based.
[In other words, Hitler openly pledged to not only not interfere into religious issues, but also to protect the Christian Church against powers that want to destroy it (i.e. the Bolsheviks). No wonder the Church considered Nazis its defenders from the existential threat of Bolshevism]
The best kind of organization is not that which places a large intermediary apparatus between the leadership of the movement and the individual followers, but rather that which functions with the smallest possible intermediary apparatus.
For it is the task of such an organization to transmit a certain idea, which originated in the brain of one individual, to a multitude of people and to supervise the manner in which this idea is being put into practice.
[Führerprinzip again – this time on a global scale]
District, Regional, and Provincial groups should be formed not only after the need for them had become evident, but after the supremacy of the central authority has been satisfactorily guaranteed. Creation of subordinate units should depend on whether or not persons could be found who were qualified to undertake the leadership thereof.
Just as the army and all its various units of organization are useless if there are no officers, so any political organization is worthless, if it has not the right kind of leaders. The most valuable association of qualities in a leader is a combination of talent, determination and perseverance.
The future of a movement is determined by the devotion, and even intolerance, with which its members fight for their cause. They must feel convinced that their cause alone is just, and they must carry it through to success
A movement can become great only if the unhampered development of its internal strength be safeguarded and steadfastly augmented, until victory over all rivals is secured. Struggle is a necessary condition of its progress – thus it is not a “necessary evil’ but desirable in itself.
The greatness of every powerful organization which embodies a creative ideal lies in the spirit of religious devotion and intolerance with which it stands out against all others.
If an ideal is right in itself and, furnished with the right fighting weapons, wages war on this earth, then it is invincible and even a severe persecution will only add to its internal strength.
The best standard whereby the sincerity of convictions, character and strength of will of a national-socialist can be measured is the hostility which his name arouses among the mortal enemies of our people
The Movement must use every possible means to cultivate respect for the individual personality. It must never forget that all human values are based on personal values, and that every idea and achievement is the fruit of the creative power of one man.
We must never forget that admiration for everything that is great, is not only a tribute to one creative personality, but that all those who feel such admiration become thereby united under one covenant. Nothing can take the place of the individual, especially if the individual embodies in himself not the mechanical element, but the element of cultural creative ability.
The inner force of a nation cannot arise from a policy of pandering to the masses, but only from the worship of men of genius, with its uplifting and ennobling influence, to any of our speakers
However, any man who tries to carry into practice an original idea whose realization would be for the benefit of his fellow men will first have to look for disciples who are ready to fight for the ends he has in view.
Like all my army comrades, I had forgotten such phrases as, “That can’t be done,” or “That is not possible,” or “We ought not to take such a risk; it is too dangerous”.
The Marxist leaders, whose business consisted in deceiving and misleading the public, naturally hated most of all a movement whose declared aim was to win over those masses which had hitherto been exclusively at the service of international Marxism.
Hence, Marxists were determined to use every possible means of annihilating, once and for all, any movement that appeared to them to be dangerous. The most effective means which they always employed in such cases were terrorism and brute force. And terrorism cannot be overcome by the “weapons of the mind”, but only by counter-terror.
A man who is aware of certain happenings and knows that a certain danger threatens, and at the same time sees a certain remedy which can be employed against it, is in duty bound to come into the open and publicly fight for the destruction of the evil and the acceptance of his own remedy.